A fragmentary survey with focus on Siouan
Osage grammar and examples database
ã õ ĩ ð ɣ ʔ č š ž (you can use these characters to copy and paste into the search field for Osage text)
Found 197 records of 197 total.
ID | Reference | Example | Filed under |
---|---|---|---|
194 | Q.OG:209 (iv) |
má̃zeska ožú áalõbri, ãðákišupe hkó̃bra Quintero's morphological interpretation is very strange. |
→02.The morpheme kaa |
188 | Q.OG:207 (260a) |
háachi žĩká̃žĩ wáazã apai
|
→07. Ergative kaa |
184 | Q.OG:205 (247) |
awáazã hta mĩkšé
A1S.ERG them lie.down → 'make them (lie) down' = scold them. wa-a metathesis for reasons of pronunciation. |
→07. Ergative kaa |
183 | Q.OG:206 (257) |
wáazã akxai
In my interpretation, kaa is not an instrumental, but a split ergative marker, here ergative, marking the agent. |
→07. Ergative kaa |
175 | Q.OG:202 (239a) |
ðuutáahpa
Example for instrumental marking adjective. If interpreted as adjectival stative verb, by.hand-be.round 'make (it) be round with the hands'. |
→04. Instrumentals |
170 | Q.OG:198 (222) |
oðíhtã ðuušká̃? In this causative use of ðuu (also 'by hand' as a combined INST/CAUS marker), the otherwise intransitive verb šká̃ 'start, change of state (weather), move' becomes transitive. It is also a good example for standard word order: PAT-AGT-INST/CAUS-root, where in this case the patient is not marked as a pronominal on the verb, but is explicitly present as a noun before the agent. |
→04. Instrumentals →Causative |
166 | Q.OG:194 (203) |
ná̃ɣe ðaašó̃ke šõ akxai, híi ðiixó̃kape
Note in my interpretation the use of a continuative marker on subordinate level and a completive marker on sentence level, which positions the continuative action described in the subordinate clause in the past. |
→04. Instrumentals |
161 | Q.OG:412 (284) |
hci ãkóhta ðiškíihta ðíihta nĩkšé |
→Pronominal System |
159 | Q.OG:411 (282) |
ãkóe ãhkíluwĩpe
The English completed action gloss supports the interpretation of a completive ape suffix instead of api-ðe PL-DECL. |
→Pronominal System →Reflexive |
48 | Q.OG:438 (70) |
wéana mĩkšé ãná̃ðaahpe che
The nominalizer che nominalizes the inflected verb ãná̃ðaahpe '(for) me you wait'. |
→Subordination →Nominalization |
39 | Q.OG: 242 (412) |
níhka akxa hkílisãpi áha, owibrĩ tã wakˀá̃ hta mĩkšé aape |
→Reflexive →Continuative auxiliaries 1st and 2nd persons →Pluralizer →Pronominal inflection - Portmanteau wi →Subject marking →Evidentials |
36 | Q.OG:241 (409b) |
wáli ãhkíluhpíiži, ãži ódãži ahkilabrĩ hta akxa |
→Reflexive →Causative →Pronominal inflection - Epenthetic ð →Continuative auxiliaries 3rd person |
140 | Q.OG:104 (30) |
iiðánãhĩmãži mĩkšé ãži á̃ðanakˀõ žíe |
→Pronominal inflection - Epenthetic ð →Negation →Continuative auxiliaries 1st and 2nd persons |
148 | Q.OG:313 (140b) |
tide mĩkšé The subject is sitting (ongoing); no verb - the sitting stance is communicated by the continuative marker. |
→Continuative auxiliaries 1st and 2nd persons |
151 | Q.OG:261 (492) |
ðíwalĩ nĩkšé
Quintero states that wali doesn't seem to appear as root, and that it belongs to a "enjoy" class of stative verbs with initial, lexicalized dative ki, which is suppressed in the surface form of persons 1st and 2nd inflection. In my view, ki is a genuine DAT.3 singular and plural marker and there is no deleted ki in 1st and 2nd persons, even if the root never occurs uninflected. ði would then be the 2S.DAT inflection pronominal in this example. However, since ði is also the regular P2S inflection pronominal prefix, the example would be ambiguous for dative/not dative, unless the verb lexically requires a dative form. |
→Dative - Stative verbs →Stative verbs →02. Pronominal inflection |
152 | Q.OG:261 (493) |
kíwalĩ
cf. example Q.OG:261 (492) ID.151 |
→Dative - Stative verbs →Stative verbs →02. Pronominal inflection |
157 | Q.OG:268 (526) |
wizí̃ke hká̃ãce toe kiðuwĩ
Contrasts with example ID 525 (Q.OG:268 (525)) by the use of P3S.DAT instead of LOC á 'onto'. |
→Dative - Benefactive →Benefactive |
155 | Q.OG:266 (523) |
áa ðíðiixõpe
|
→Dative |
66 | Q.OG:426 (17) |
wahkó̃ta iižĩke íe oðáha ši aha, ðáalĩ škaaɣé |
|
65 | Q.OG:426 (16) |
táatã ékižõ aha wéeãna mĩkšé |