A fragmentary survey with focus on Siouan
Osage grammar and examples database
119 Osage morphemes
ID | Morpheme | Word class | Morphological type | Grammatical function | Description | Notes | Examples | Filed under |
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48 | a | ENCL | IMP | imperative marker, post-root | 9 examples | |||
96 | a | PRNM | PFX | A1S | first person singular agent pronominal prefix | Note the lack of an accent, thereby distinguishing it from dative 1S, which has an accent. | →01. Basics and inflection tables |
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1 | á | PRNM | PFX | A1S.DAT | first person singular dative agent pronominal prefix | Note the accent which distinguishes it from non-dative. Quintero considers ki the dative marker for all persons, which would be suppressed in 1st and 2nd. | ||
181 | a | PRNM | PFX | A1S.ERG | I (ergative) | cf. topic 'split ergative kaa'. | 1 example | →07. Ergative kaa |
184 | ã | PRNM | PFX | P1P.ACC? | me (accusative?) | cf. topic 'split ergative kaa'. | →07. Ergative kaa |
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25 | ã | PRNM | PFX | P1S | first person singular patient pronominal prefix | Nasalization distinguishes it from A1S, the lack of an accent distinguishes it from P1S.DAT (dative). | 18 examples | →01. Basics and inflection tables |
20 | á | PRFX | LOC | around, up, onto | 2 examples | |||
66 | aape | AUX | EVID REP | evidential, reportative: 'they said', they are saying'. | 1 example | |||
59 | áha | ADV CONJ | CONJ | whenever | ||||
69 | áha | ADV CONJ | PART | MOD | when, whenever | 1 example | ||
16 | ãk | PRNM | PRFX | A1P, A1D | agent first person plural and dual marker prefix | Has an own slot before the PAT, AGT inflection slots). As it is semantically plural ('we'), if not accompanied by api PL, it is interpreted as 1SG+1SG=1DUAL, if api is present, 1SG+2PL=1DUAL. | 6 examples | →01. Basics and inflection tables |
26 | ãkátxa | AUX | PART | 1P.CONT | continuative aspect marker first person plural | Contains the morpheme ãk 'we', while atxa is a verb 'climb, raise' (as by turning around a stick, like beans plants). Appears to be lexicalized. | 2 examples | |
103 | ãkáðe | AUX | PART | 1P.CONT | continuative aspect, first person plural | 2 examples | ||
32 | ãkóe | PRON | NOMN | 1P/D.EMPH/CNTR | first person plural, 'we' pronoun, emphasizing/contrasting | Quintero: "These pronouns can represent subject, theme, receiver, object of postposition, or other grammatical functions. They are always contrastive, but the contrast may derive from either pragmatic controls or grammatical controls." (Quintero 2004: 411) | 3 examples | →Pronominal System |
140 | ãkóhta | PRON | NOMN | 1P/D.POSS | 'our' (1plural and dual possession) | 1 example | →Pronominal System |
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146 | ãkóhtaški | PRON | NOMN | 1P/D.INCL | 'we also' | →Pronominal System |
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134 | ãkóna | PRON | NOMN | 1P/D.EXCL | 'we only' | →Pronominal System |
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54 | akxa | AUX | PART | 3S.CONT.STAS | continuative aspect marker, third person singular | Is the counterpart to apa. Implies sitting or standing posture of a stationary (stasis) object or character. | 4 examples | |
56 | akxa | AUX | PART | SUBJ.STAS | subject marker, character stationary sitting or standing. | Cf. akxa CONT. | 4 examples | |
2 | apa | AUX | PART | SUBJ.CONT.MOV/DIST | subject marker, continuative aspect, SUBJ present and moving, or out of sight | 11 examples | ||
27 | ape | SUFX | CMPL | completive aspect marker | Sentence endings are often ape, which Quintero interprets as api-ðe (PL-DECL); however, ape is in many cases rather contracted api-ape (PL-CMPL), in singular only ape. This interpretation is supported by an older form pie, and is also consistent with the glosses of the respective examples. | 12 examples | ||
9 | api | SUFX | PL | pluralizer, verb suffix | 8 examples | |||
50 | ãži | CONJ | CONJ | but | 2 examples | |||
108 | aži | ENCL | NEG | not | 1 example | |||
35 | ãðĩhé | AUX | PART | 1S.CONT.MOV | continuative aspect, 1S subject moving | 2 examples | ||
33 | á̃ | PRNM CASE | PFX | PAT DAT 1SG | patient dative first person singular pronominal prefix | Note the accent, which distinguishes it from the similar non-dative pronominal. Quintero considers that a signal for a suppressed "dative ki". | 1 example | |
12 | che | AUX | PART | EVID | evidential | |||
106 | che | AUX | PART | INJ | injunctive (e.g. let's ...; ask someone to ...) | 1 example | ||
128 | che | AUX | PART | NOM | nominalizer | Occurs clause-final. | 1 example | |
18 | che | ART | PART | STA INAN DEF CLAS | Positional article for 'standing, inanimate'. Noun classification by stance and shape. | |||
15 | é | V | PREV | PREV | pre-verb | Element of the verb before the root. Between pre-verb and root are slots for PAT and AGT inflection. | ||
40 | ée | PRON | NOMN | 3.EMPH/CNTR | 'she/they' (and not somebody else) | Ambiguous by number. | 1 example | →Pronominal System |
137 | éena | PRON | NOMN | 3.EXCL | 'he/they only' | Ambiguous by number. | →Pronominal System |
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149 | eškíhta | PRON | NOMN | 3S.INCL | 'he/she/it also' | →Pronominal System |
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150 | eškíhtapi | PRON | NOMN | 3P.INCL | 'them too' | →Pronominal System |
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189 | éðõõpa | ADV | ART | DEF | both | 1 example | ||
188 | háachi | ADV | PART | ITER | repeatedly, always, again and again | 3 examples | ||
113 | haakó̃ta | PRON.Q | Q | why | 1 example | |||
133 | hcíhta | ADV | DIR | inside (motion) | hcí 'house' + hta 'toward' | |||
116 | hépe | ADV | MOD | small amount, a little | 1 example | |||
46 | hkik | PRON | REFL | Reflexive pronominal; preaspirated initial k: ʰkik | 14 examples | |||
75 | hkik | PRFX | RCPR | reciprocal | By reduplication becomes super-reciprocal, like two talking to each other. | |||
152 | hówa | INDF ADJ, INDF PRON | ITR | which, which one | ||||
153 | hówa | INDF ADJ, INDF PRON | ITR.INDF | which, which one | ||||
115 | hpíiži | VS, ADV | MOD | bad, badly, be bad | 3 examples | |||
136 | hta | PPN | DIR | toward, in the direction of, from, into | hci hta 'into the house; hcí htaha 'to the house' | |||
53 | hta | AUX | PART | FUT POT | Future / potentialis | 6 examples | ||
138 | htáha | ADV, POST | DIR | toward, on the way or path to a certain point, in the direction of | ||||
151 | htáha | ADV, POST | DIR | toward, on the way or path to a certain point, in the direction of | cf. hta | |||
58 | i | AUX | PART | IMM | Immediate, near-future | 1 example | ||
11 | í | PRFX | INST.VAL | with, using, a means of, through (an action expresssed in the verb stem), from, due to | Variants íi, ii, ìi. Valence increaser (from 1 arg to 2, and from 2 to 3). Cf. valence reducer wa. Falsly classified as Siouan-like locative by Quintero. | |||
10 | i | SUFX | 3SG 3PL | 3SG 3PL noncontinuative marker suffix; precedes the evidential che. | ||||
143 | ìhta | PRON | NOMN | 3S.POSS | 'his/her ...' (3S possessive) | 1 example | →Pronominal System |
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144 | íhtapi | PRON | NOMN | 3P.POSS | 'their' | →Pronominal System |
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17 | ii | PRFX | LOC INSTR | with, using, a means of, through (an action expresssed in the verb stem), from, due to | Variants i, íi, ii, ìi. Valence increaser (Cf. wa - valence reducer). Classified as Siouan-like locative by Quintero. | |||
176 | kaa | PRNM | PFX | A3/A1P.ERG | 3rd person ergative marker in kaa verbs | Quintero classifies this as a special case of INST kaa 'by striking' occurring in what she calls kaa verbs. (Quintero 2004: 203-213) | 5 examples | →07. Ergative kaa |
174 | kaa | PFX | INST.by.hitting | ... by hitting | 5 examples | |||
87 | ki | PRNM CASE | PFX | 3.DAT | 3S and 3P dative agent/patient case marker prefix | Dative 3rd person ki is prominent because 3rd is the uninflected verb root form and ki appears lexicalized as intrinsic dative with some verbs. Quintero considers ki the dative marker for all persons, which would be suppressed in 1st and 2nd. | 4 examples | |
65 | ki- | PRFX | SUUS | own | Variant of kik; suus verb inflection prefix before inflectable initials, is preceded by agent inflection prefixes. Cf. l- and kik- suus marker variants. | |||
63 | kih | PRFX | SUUS INFL | own | Variant of kik; suus verb inflection prefix before plain stop stems. Is preceded by agent inflection prefixes. Cf. l- and ki- suus marker variants. | |||
62 | kik | PRFX | SUUS | suus 'subject's own', referring to both objects and persons (kinship). | 1 example | |||
64 | l- | PRFX | SUUS | own | Variant of kik; suus verb inflection prefix incorporating initial ð, is preceded by agent inflection prefixes. Cf. kih- and ki- suus marker variants. | |||
109 | ma | PRNM | PFX | 1S | I | Prefixed to for example to NEG aži 'not' → lexicalized/grammaticized maži. | ||
22 | mã | V | PREV | PREV | ||||
110 | maži | ENCL | 1S.NEG | I not | 1 example | |||
38 | mĩkšé | AUX | PART | 1S.CONT | Continuative marker 1SG, sentence-final position | 7 examples | ||
130 | na | SUFX | EXCL | only | ||||
23 | nĩkše | AUX | PART | 2S.CONT | 2SG continuative marker, sentence-final. | 8 examples | ||
21 | o | PFX | GOAL THM | goal, final place, culmination, fruition, event, location | Classified by Quintero as locative, it is rather a GOAL and by case, a THM marker, but not a plain locative. It might have grammaticized from an according locative though; that is semantically plausible. | 2 examples | ||
51 | ódãži | ADV CONJ | CONJ PRGM | anyway | 1 example | |||
192 | ožú | V? | put.inside | 1 example | ||||
68 | pe | SUFX | CMPL ABSN | Completive marker, subject absent (relative to the speaker) | ||||
41 | š | PRON | PRFX | AGT.2SG | Agent 2SG. Quintero assumes this is only a surface form of ði. | |||
196 | skíke (_skíke) | ADJ | MOD | heavy, tired, weighted down, heavily laden | ||||
197 | škíke (_škíke) | ADJ | MOD | heavy | today, variant of skíke | |||
77 | štã | ADV | much, a lot, all the time | |||||
195 | tã | COND | PART | COND | if | 1 example | ||
118 | tã | CONJ | PART | MOD | when | 1 example | ||
170 | táahpa | ADJ, VS(?) | round, be round | 1 example | ||||
98 | toe | QNT | QNT | QNT INDF | some | 2 examples | ||
19 | txã | ART | PART | STA ANIM DEF CLAS | Positional article for 'standing, animate'. Noun classification by stance and shape. | |||
186 | wá | PRNM | PFX | P1P.ACC? | us (accusative?) | cf. topic 'split ergative kaa'. | →07. Ergative kaa |
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187 | Wa | PRNM | PFX | P3P.ACC? | them (accusative?) | cf. topic 'split ergative kaa'. | →07. Ergative kaa |
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95 | wá | PRNM CASE | PFX | PAT DAT 1P 1D | 1P and 1D dative patient pronominal prefix | Note the accent, which distinguishes it from the similar non-dative pronominal. Quintero considers that a signal for a suppressed "dative ki". | ||
36 | Wa | PRON | PRFX | A1S | agent first person singular | Quintero sees this as the underlying form of the surface form a. | 9 examples | →01. Basics and inflection tables |
6 | wa | PRNM | PRFX | P3P THM RCVR | P3P pronominal prefix for 3PL patient (receiver or theme) | 3 examples | ||
13 | wa | PRFX | VAL | valence reducer | De-transitivizes: reduces number of arguments from 3 to 2, from 2 to 1, and from 1 to 0; thus allows to employ single-arguent transitive verbs as intransitive. | 2 examples | ||
28 | wa (... api) | PRON | PRFX | P1P PAT 1PL | P1P Patient 1PL, requires post-verbal api (PL) | Quintero states that this wa must occur with post-verbal auxiliary pluralizer api: wa ... api. There are however examples without api, therefore it doesn't seem to be a hard-cut rule. | 5 examples | →01. Basics and inflection tables |
97 | wa ~ Ø | PRNM | PFX | P3P PAT 3P | P3P patient 3rd person plural | P3P wa is similar to P3P.DAT wa ~ ki, therefore it is thinkable that P3P wa is a specific form marking theme or receiver, therefore probably identical to ID 0007. It is nevertheless kept here to keep the correspondence to Quintero's Osage examples. | 4 examples | →01. Basics and inflection tables |
119 | wakˀá̃ | VS, ADV | MOD | glad | 1 example | |||
114 | wáli | ADV | MOD | very, really | 2 examples | |||
171 | wásu | ADJ, VS(?) | clean, be clean | 1 example | ||||
126 | wĩ | ART | DET | INDF / QNT | a | Some linguists are interpreting 'a' as a quantifier. | 1 example | |
14 | wĩ | V | PREV | PREV | Pre-verb | Element of the verb before the root. Between pre-verb and root are slots for PAT and AGT inflection. | ||
31 | wí | PRON | PRFX | PAT.2SG←AGT.1SG | Partmanteau for I>you. | 3 examples | ||
129 | wíe | PRON | NOMN | 1S.PRON.EMPH/CNTR | 1S pronoun for emphasis and contrast | →Pronominal System |
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139 | wíhta | PRON | NOMN | 1S.POSS | 'my' 1S possession | →Pronominal System |
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132 | wína | PRON | NOMN | 1S.EXCL | 'me only' (1S exclusive) | |||
145 | wiškíhta | PRON | NOMN | 1S.INCL | 'me also' | →Pronominal System |
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43 | Ya | PRON | PRFX | A2S | agent, second person singular | According to Quintero's interpretation the underlying form of ða; based on comparison to other Siouan languages. | 5 examples | |
182 | ða | PRNM | PFX | A2S.ERG | you (ergative) | cf. topic 'split ergative kaa'. | →07. Ergative kaa |
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3 | ðá | PRNM CASE | PFX | AGT DAT 2S | 2S dative agent pronominal prefix | Note the accent which distinguishes it from non-dative. Quintero considers ki the dative marker for all persons, which would be suppressed in 1st and 2nd. | ||
44 | ða | PRNM | PRFX | AGT 2SG | Agent 2SG | Not the absence of an accent, which distinguishes it from the according non-dative pronominal. | 1 example | →01. Basics and inflection tables |
156 | ðaa | INST | PFX | INST.by.mouth | using the mouth | 2 examples | ||
30 | ðãišé | AUX | PART | 2S.CONT | Continuative marker 2SG | 2 examples | ||
125 | ðe | AUX | SUFX | CAUS | causative | 3 examples | ||
5 | ðe | SUFX | DECL | indeed | Sentence-final declarative marker. | 18 examples | ||
185 | ði | PRNM | PFX | 2S.PRON | you | 2 examples | ||
94 | ðí | PRNM CASE | PFX | PAT DAT 2SG | 2S dative patient pronominal prefix | Note the accent, which distinguishes it from the similar non-dative pronominal. Quintero considers that a signal for a suppressed "dative ki". | 3 examples | |
24 | ði | PRNM | PRFX | P2S | you (singular) | The lack of an accent distinguishes it from P2S.DAT (dative). | 14 examples | →01. Basics and inflection tables |
39 | ðíe | PRON | NOMN | 2.EMPH/CNTR | 'you' (and not somebody else) | Ambiguous by number. | 2 examples | →Pronominal System |
141 | ðíhta | PRON | NOMN | 2S.POSS | 'your' (2S possession) | |||
142 | ðíhtapi | PRON | NOMN | 2P.POSS | 'your' (2P possessive) | →Pronominal System |
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101 | ðii | INST | PFX | INST.by.hand | instrimental prefix 'by hand' | 2 examples | ||
135 | ðína | PRON | NOMN | 2.EXCL | 'you only' (exclusive) | Ambiguous by number. | →Pronominal System |
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147 | ðiškíhta | PRON | NOMN | 2S.INCL | 'you (sg.) also/too' | →Pronominal System |
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148 | ðiškíhtapi | PRON | NOMN | 2P.INCL | 'you (pl.) also/too' | →Pronominal System |
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49 | ðuu | PRFX | CAUS.INST.by.hand | by hand (causative marker) | In the second pre-root derivational slot; is a variant of ðii. | 7 examples | →Causative →04. Instrumentals |
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34 | Ø | PRNM | PRFX | A3S A3P P3S P3P 3SG 3PL AGT PAT | Null marker for agent and patient 3SG and 3PL. Can occur twice on a verb. | Often leads to ambiguity by number she/they, must be disambiguated on a pragmatic level. The null marker is a grammatical concept for a 'ghosted' 3d person marker, while it can also be interpreted as verb roots simply not inflected for 3d persons, which is the lexical form. | 20 examples | →01. Basics and inflection tables |
Observations regarding Osage morphemes
Elements like the second person plural inclusive pronoun ðiškíhtapi 'you(pl.) too/also' 2P.INCL can be morphologically analyzed as ði-ški-hta-api (P2S-too-POT-PL) 'you(pl.) too might', and even the contained lexical sub-element ški might be further segmented to š-ki A2S-with 'you(sg.) with'. Nevertheless, ðiškíhtapi and other such elements are grammaticized and thus can be considered morphemes themselves.